Trump’s Tariff Fury Tests the Limits of His Federalist Society Alliance

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At first glance, the long-standing alliance between President Donald Trump and the conservative legal movement appears to be unraveling. President Trump recently unleashed an unusually personal attack on Leonard Leo, the architect of Trump’s judicial legacy and longtime leader in the conservative legal movement. Trump’s fury came after a federal court ruling invalidated the use of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) to justify emergency tariffs that bypassed congressional approval. The case—NCLA v. U.S.—was brought by the New Civil Liberties Alliance, a legal group backed by conservative donors, including organizations linked to Leo.[i]

On his Truth Social account, Trump called Leo a “sleazebag” and accused the Federalist Society of recommending “the worst judges in history.” [ii] The tirade suggested a severe fracture in what was once a very successful symbiotic relationship.

This is not just about one court decision. It is a revealing moment in the conservative movement’s internal realignment. Are we seeing a healthy intra-family disagreement over tactics and interpretation, or is this the first step in a more serious political divorce?

Back in 2016, the Federalist Society’s imprimatur was instrumental in giving wary conservatives a reason to back the brash real estate mogul turned political candidate. Trump pledged to outsource judicial nominations to the Society’s ranks—an unusual but effective move that led to the confirmation of three Supreme Court justices and over 200 lower court judges. For many conservatives, this was the core justification for supporting Trump.

Leonard Leo acted as liaison and architect, helping Trump craft a list of potential Supreme Court nominees that read like a Federalist Society yearbook.

However, while Trump viewed the relationship in transactional terms, expecting loyalty in return for appointments, the Society and its members have long positioned themselves as ideologically driven, committed to textualist and originalist interpretations of the Constitution, rather than personal fealty to any one figure.

This philosophical gap has now become a chasm. Trump’s economic nationalism and preference for executive fiat, particularly in areas such as trade, have increasingly put him at odds with the Society’s libertarian-leaning legal theorists. The tariff case wasn’t the first sign of tension, but it was the most public.

In recent months, several Federalist Society forums have quietly aired dissenting views on Trump’s legal direction. While the Society does not endorse any viewpoint—and takes care to state that views expressed are those of the speakers, not the organization—some high-profile discussions have served as platforms for pointed critiques.[iii]

Complicating matters is the fact that the lawsuit against Trump’s tariffs is being brought by the New Civil Liberties Alliance (NCLA), a group partially funded by the same conservative donors who have supported Leo and other Federalist Society initiatives for years. In effect, Trump is now facing resistance from the very institutional base that first helped elevate him to the presidency.

The fallout from the tariff ruling highlights a deeper question now facing the American right: Is the MAGA movement’s populism reconcilable with the constitutional conservatism reflected in the Federalist Society? On one side is the populist, personality-driven approach of Trumpism. On the other is the institutional, principle-based conservatism that the Federalist Society represents.

These aren’t just stylistic differences. They are legal and philosophical disputes with real implications. Is economic nationalism compatible with originalist jurisprudence? Can emergency powers be redefined at will by a future president, or should the Constitution stand as a guardrail, even against one’s political allies?

Trump focuses more on the immediate challenges to his executive prerogatives. More institutionally oriented conservatives fret about how a future President might weaponize the same powers being seized to push progressive policies. They recall that activists had pushed hard for Biden to declare a national emergency for climate change, but that the former President declined to do so. [iv]

Trump still commands enormous political loyalty, but his increasingly authoritarian instincts—particularly his disdain for checks on executive power—are setting off alarm bells among principled conservatives. Whether this episode is a temporary quarrel or a prelude to a broader realignment remains to be seen. But what is clear is this: the old alliance is fraying, and both sides may soon need to choose between loyalty and legacy.


[i] https://www.globenewswire.com/news-release/2025/04/03/3055670/0/en/NCLA-Sues-to-Stop-Trump-Admin-from-Imposing-Emergency-Tariffs-That-Congress-Never-Authorized.html ; https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/10/business/economy/trump-tariffs-challenge-megadonors.html

[ii] https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2025/05/30/trump-judges-leonard-leo-federalist-society/

[iii] https://fedsoc.org/events/the-art-of-the-tariff-the-trump-administration-and-trade

[iv] https://climateemergencydeclaration.org/usa-multiple-calls-on-president-biden-to-declare-a-climate-emergency/

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